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Is race a social construct?

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Is race a social construct? Many scholars in the humanities and social sciences argue that race is primarily a social construct—an idea invented, reshaped, and given meaning by societies to classify and rank people. Others, mainly from population genetics and evolutionary biology, argue that while “race” is an imprecise folk term, it still tracks statistically meaningful clusters of human genetic variation and therefore has at least a partial biological grounding. The consensus across disciplines is therefore mixed, depending on how one defines the term “race.” [4] [6] [7] [9] [10] [11]

Arguments that race is a social construct • Genetic variation is overwhelmingly within rather than between continental populations (about 85 % within‐group in Lewontin 1972), so racial categories poorly capture individual ancestry [9]. • Historical “races” have changed repeatedly (e.g., Irish, Italians, and Jews in the U.S. shifted from non-white to white), demonstrating socio-political elasticity [4] [6]. • UNESCO’s post-WWII statements on race emphasized cultural and political equality and framed biological race as scientifically untenable, influencing later scholarship [4]. • Labeling divisions as “racial” often justifies unequal treatment and therefore reflects power relations more than biology [3] [6].

Arguments that race has a biological component • Modern genomic studies recover geographically structured clusters that correlate with major continental “race” labels, even when race labels are not provided to the algorithm [1] [5] [10] [11]. • A deep-learning survey of medical images could identify patient race with high accuracy, implying that phenotypic signals correlate with genomic ancestry beyond obvious visual cues [2]. • Some disease risk alleles and drug-response variants differ in frequency between continental populations, suggesting biomedical utility for ancestry-based categories [5] [11]. • Critics of Lewontin’s 1972 analysis argue that ignoring correlations among loci underestimates between-group differentiation; a small fraction of the genome can still powerfully predict continental ancestry [10].

Historical factors that popularized the “race as social construct” view • 19th-century anthropologists originally treated race as fixed biological essence. The catastrophic misuse of those ideas in eugenics and Nazi ideology led to strong post-1945 critiques [4]. • The 1950 and 1951 UNESCO statements urged scientists to abandon typological race thinking in favor of population genetics, embedding the “social” framing in policy and education [4]. • Civil-rights movements of the 1960s–70s further delegitimized biological race claims in U.S. social science, culminating in the popularity of Lewontin’s 1972 genetic partitioning result [9]. • Since the Human Genome Project (2001), low overall human diversity (≈0.1 %) was publicized as proof that race lacks biological basis, reinforcing social-construct arguments [6]. • Nevertheless, the rise of consumer genomics (2007‒) and population-genetic work by groups like Reich’s lab reopened debate on whether large-scale clusters are meaningful [5] [7].

Human population groups and known differences Population geneticists often replace “race” with “continental ancestry clusters” or “human population groups.” Broad groups commonly cited are: sub-Saharan Africans, Europeans (including Middle Easterners), East Asians, South Asians, Native Americans, and Oceanians [11]. Differences documented include: • Allele frequencies at disease-relevant loci (e.g., sickle-cell trait in parts of Africa; lactase persistence in Northern Europeans) [11]. • Polygenic height scores differing by a few centimeters in predicted adult stature across continents [11]. • Variation in skin pigmentation genes (e.g., SLC24A5, OCA2) explaining much—but not all—phenotypic color differences [5]. • AI models can infer these groups from medical images, even controlling for visible features, indicating deeper correlates in tissue morphology [2].

Origins of different human population groups • All modern humans descend from an African population ~50–70 kya that expanded out of Africa; successive founder effects, isolation by distance, and local adaptation produced regional clusters [11]. • Back-migrations into Africa, as well as admixture with archaic hominins (Neanderthals, Denisovans), further shaped present-day continental genetic structure [5] [11]. • Most clusters are clinal rather than discrete; where geography forms barriers (Sahara, Himalayas, oceans) the clines steepen, creating partially separable groups that map onto folk races [5].

The race and IQ debate • Beginning with Arthur Jensen’s 1969 Harvard Educational Review article, scholars argued that mean IQ gaps between U.S. Black and White populations are partly genetic; others attributed the gap entirely to environment. • Herrnstein & Murray’s 1994 bestseller “The Bell Curve” mainstreamed the debate, provoking strong pushback from social scientists. • Jason Richwine’s 2013 PhD and subsequent firing from the Heritage Foundation kept the controversy alive [12]. • Online venues such as Quillette and blogs by Steve Sailer continue to argue for partial heredity, whereas mainstream outlets emphasize environmental explanations and warn about misuses [8] [13]. • Current genomics finds thousands of loci associated with cognitive traits, but their portability across ancestries is limited, leaving the causal balance unsettled [11]. Conflicting views: hereditarians (e.g., Sailer, Richwine) cite polygenic score gaps, while critics (NYT op-ed by Reich, UCSC Science & Justice) warn that socioeconomic confounders and stratification artifacts remain large [6] [7].

Timeline of public discourse 1940s–1950s: Post-war UNESCO statements promote social-construct framing [4].

1972: Lewontin publishes variance-partitioning paper; widely cited as refutation of biological race [9].

1980s–1990s: Population-genetic clustering methods (RFLPs, microsatellites) quantify ancestry; The Bell Curve (1994) sparks race-IQ debate.

2003: Edwards’ “Lewontin’s Fallacy” essay argues population structure is still real [10].

2013: Jason Richwine controversy renews political focus on IQ and immigration [12].

2018: David Reich NYT op-ed urges honest engagement with genetic differences, igniting wide commentary [5] [7].

2022: Medical-image AI paper shows race prediction, challenging “biology-free” view [2].

Present: Blogs, magazines, and preprints keep the debate active; academic consensus remains that human variation is both clinal and patterned, with social meaning layered on top [1] [6] [11].

Sources

  1. The Case for Race Realism - Aporia Magazine (Opinion/Essay)
  2. “AI Recognition of Patient Race in Medical Imaging” (2022, pre-print PDF). Empirical research
  3. Discourse on Race Has a Conformity Problem
  4. Changing the concept of race: On UNESCO and cultural internationalism (Historical scholarship)
  1. https://www.unz.com/isteve/david-reich-how-to-talk-about-race-and-genetics/
  2. https://scijust.ucsc.edu/2019/05/30/developing-debate-on-race-and-genomics/
  3. https://www.nytimes.com/2018/04/02/opinion/genes-race.html
  4. https://quillette.com/2017/06/11/no-voice-vox-sense-nonsense-discussing-iq-race/
  5. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10539-009-9193-7
  6. https://www.thewikle.com/resources/Edwards2003-LewontinFallacy.pdf
  7. https://www.razibkhan.com/p/current-status-its-complicated
  8. https://www.politico.com/story/2013/08/opinion-jason-richwine-095353
  9. https://www.stevesailer.net/p/latest-rationalization-race-doesnt
  10. https://arstechnica.com/science/2025/03/trump-annoyed-the-smithsonian-isnt-promoting-discredited-racial-ideas/

Question

Is race a social construct? What are the arguments for and against race being a social construct? What historical factors influenced the idea of race as a social construct? What are human population groups and what are some known differences between them? What are the origins of different human population groups? What is the race and IQ debate?