Race Social Construct: Difference between revisions
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Is race a social construct? | Is race a social construct? | ||
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Most contemporary anthropologists and sociologists describe “race” as a social construct—a classification scheme created in specific historical contexts to make sense of visible human variation and to justify social hierarchies [9]. Many geneticists, however, argue that while folk‐race categories are imprecise, they nevertheless map—sometimes crudely—onto real patterns of ancestry and allele-frequency differences among continental populations [1] [7] [10] [11]. Thus, whether race is “social” or “biological” depends on which aspects of the concept are being discussed (names, boundaries and stereotypes vs. measurable population structure). | |||
Arguments that race is primarily a social construct | |||
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* Historical contingency: European colonial powers created racial categories to legitimise slavery and imperial rule; these categories changed across time and place, showing their malleability [4] [9]. | |||
* Genetic overlap: The majority of human genetic variation (≈85 %) is found within local populations rather than between continental groups, suggesting that racial boundaries are biologically weak [9]. | |||
* Continuous clines: Human traits vary gradually with geography (clinal variation) rather than as discrete blocks; dividing a continuum into races is therefore seen as arbitrary [6] [9]. | |||
* | |||
* Social consequences outweigh biology: In medicine, education and law, the social meaning attached to race often determines life outcomes more than biology does [3]. | |||
* | |||
Arguments that race has a biological basis (race realism) | |||
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* Cluster analyses: Multivariate genetic studies — e.g., principal-component analyses of thousands of loci — recover five-to-seven ancestry clusters that correspond roughly to traditional continental races [10] [11]. | |||
* Predictive power: Machine-learning systems can infer self-identified race from medical images even when human experts cannot, implying the presence of subtle, widely distributed biological signals [2]. | |||
* Population-level trait differences: Frequency differences in disease alleles (e.g., sickle-cell trait, lactase persistence) and some morphological traits track ancestry lines commonly labelled as racial [7] [10]. | |||
* Rejection of “Lewontin’s Fallacy”: Critics argue that while most variation is within groups, the between-group component is nonetheless sufficient to classify individuals with high accuracy [10]. | |||
Conflicting views among sources | |||
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* Edwards [10] claims racial classification is biologically meaningful, directly challenging Lewontin’s 1972 conclusion echoed by Sesardic [9]. | |||
* Reich [7] and Khan [11] adopt an intermediate position: acknowledging social misuse of race while insisting that population genetics cannot ignore structure. | |||
Historical factors shaping the “social construction” idea | |||
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* UNESCO statements (1950–1952) promoted the view that race is primarily cultural to combat scientific racism after WWII [4]. | |||
* U.S. civil-rights era (1950s–1970s) transformed race from a biological to a legal-political category; courts relied on social definitions in desegregation and immigration cases [9]. | |||
* Post-Genomic debates (2000s-present) reignited discussion as inexpensive genotyping revealed both the complexity and the detectability of ancestry [6] [7] [11]. | |||
Human population groups and known differences | Human population groups and known differences | ||
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“Population group” usually refers to | “Population group” usually refers to breeding populations that have shared ancestry over many generations. Continental-scale groupings (sub-Saharan African, European, East Asian, Native American, Oceanian, South Asian) are the broadest commonly used clusters [7] [11]. | ||
Documented | Documented differences include: | ||
* | * Disease allele frequencies (e.g., APOL1 variants and kidney disease in West Africans; cystic fibrosis ΔF508 in Europeans) [7]. | ||
* | |||
* | * Drug-metabolism variants (e.g., CYP2D6 copy-number variation differing across groups) that affect pharmacogenomics [7]. | ||
* | |||
* Physical traits such as skin pigmentation alleles (SLC24A5, SLC45A2) and average bone density contrasts used in forensics [10]. | |||
* Machine-vision detectable patterns in X-ray and MRI images whose biological basis remains unclear [2]. | |||
Origins of population groups | Origins of population groups | ||
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* | * All modern humans trace ultimate ancestry to Africa (~50–70 kya). | ||
* | |||
* Successive founder events (e.g., out-of-Africa, settlement of Eurasia, peopling of the Americas ~15 kya) created regional gene pools [7] [11]. | |||
* Admixture, isolation-by-distance and local adaptation (to climate, diet, pathogens) sculpted present-day differences; hence groups are fuzzy and intersecting rather than strictly bounded “subspecies” [6] [11]. | |||
The race and IQ debate | The race and IQ debate | ||
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Core question: Do | Core question: Do average IQ score gaps between major ancestral groups reflect mainly environmental causes, genetic causes, or both? | ||
* Environmentalist position: Emphasises socioeconomic status, schooling quality, discrimination and test bias; argues genetic contribution is unproven [9]. | |||
* Hereditarian position: Argues that because IQ is highly heritable within populations and because group gaps have been persistent, partial genetic explanations cannot be ruled out [8] [12]. | |||
* Methodological critiques: Small sample sizes, cultural loading of tests, and the portability of heritability estimates across environments remain contested [8]. | |||
Public discourse and conformity pressures | |||
* Journalists, academics and policy staff often avoid the hereditarian view, citing potential social harms; this is labelled a “conformity problem” by some commentators [3] [12]. | |||
* Others argue open discussion of genetics can coexist with egalitarian politics, citing Reich’s 2018 op-ed as an example [7]. | |||
Timeline of selected public milestones | |||
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1950–1952 UNESCO statements declare race socially constructed and warn against biological determinism [4]. | |||
1972 Lewontin publishes variance-partitioning analysis supporting weak biological race concept; widely cited [9]. | |||
2003 Edwards publishes “Lewontin’s Fallacy,” reviving biological race arguments [10]. | |||
-- | 2013 Politico highlights controversy over IQ research and immigration (Richwine affair) [12]. | ||
2018 David Reich op-ed in New York Times urges nuanced talk about race and genetics [7]. | |||
2020 Historical study traces how UNESCO helped entrench “race as social construct” in policy discourse [4]. | |||
2022 Deep-learning paper shows medical images reveal race, adding new empirical wrinkle [2]. | |||
Ongoing Blogs, magazines and newsletters (iSteve [5], Quillette [8], Razib Khan [11]) continue to debate genetic structure, IQ, and public speech norms, often reaching differing conclusions. | |||
== Sources == | == Sources == |